I said to the media at the count centre in Salthill that people will respond to politics that is about trying to deliver solutions. It is not about being angry, loud or shouty, but actually trying to work hard to deliver.

I want to expand on that here.

We live in an era of political noise. We see this across the world and increasingly it can be the case in Ireland. Too often, I see from the some in public life a temptation to compete on the basis of outrage; to identify an enemy, stoke a grievance, and offer very little by way of solutions.

It is particularly the case with the main opposition party, but it would be wrong to tar all politicians with the same brush. I see many on the opposition benches who are coming forward with ideas and solutions. Not all I agree with, not all are workable. But at least they are contributing to the debate in a meaningful and constructive way. We need to move beyond lazy mantra of “government good, opposition bad” or vica versa and actually ground debate and discourse is ideas and policy.

The approach of others to be performatively outraged may be emotionally satisfying in the short term. It can generate clicks, social media buzz and even mainstream media coverage. But I have genuine doubts as to whether this type of politics has electoral appeal. This sort of noise and anger does not fix a housing shortage. It does not bring down costs. It does not build a school or train doctors.

What I noticed among voters on the doorsteps in both Galway and Dublin over the past few weeks was something different.

People are legitimately frustrated. There is anxiety about the cost of living and the availability of housing. There is a sense that getting ahead requires working harder than ever, for less certainty than your parents had. I heard the frustration of people who play by the rules and still feel they are not left with enough to get on. These are not abstract political problems. They are people's daily lives.

I encountered voters who wanted someone to listen to them and then actually do something about these issues and concerns. They want politics that takes their problem seriously enough to try to solve it.

The combined vote for parties and candidates offering a response that kind of politics - constructive, solution-focused, grounded in what communities actually need - was striking in both constituencies.

I take great heart in the fact that no party won more first preference votes across the two constituencies combined than Fine Gael. But I am not being triumphalist nor complacent. Quite the opposite. This wasn’t a pat on the back, if was firm nudge by the electorate to do more and do better.

I am humble enough to know that means not to rest on our laurels, but to take that type of support as a cautious endorsement of our mandate, albeit it is not in any way nationally representative given it is only a small fraction of the electorate.

But to me it says we must do even more and deliver fully on what we said we would do in the programme for government in January 2025.

In the nearly two weeks since that sunny day in Salthill we have tried to demonstrate a level of activity and decision-making that reflects what we heard on the doors.

Last week, I spoke about plans due to be brought to Government by Ministers James Browne and John Cummins this month for the biggest overhaul of rural housing rules in two decades to make it much easier for families to build one-off homes.This represents a fundamental shift away from overly rigid, inconsistent and restrictive planning practices.

Fine Gael believes that existing practices and the different approaches of different local authorities have held rural communities back for too long and that the new measures - that are nationally codified - will allow for a significant increase in rural housing. It will enable those who have an economic or social need to live in a rural location, including returning emigrants, to build a house, subject to meeting normal planning considerations.

This week also saw Hildegarde Naughton announce details of the first ever national workforce development plan for the country’s 25,000 Special Needs Assistants which sets out actions to support SNAs and the school communities in which they work. This is a plan that has been co-designed and built with SNAs, parents, school leaders, and with children themselves.

For years, SNAs have asked for the same things: clarity on their role, security in their jobs, and proper training. This is a roadmap for development and professionalisation and it deals with procedures around redeployments. It supports the continued development of inclusive education and aims to strengthen support for children and young people with additional educational needs. I am heartened by the welcome given to the plan by those who have been campaigning for many years for better SNA provision in schools.

It was also good to see Ministers Norma Foley and Emer Higgins set out details of new childcare fee caps to help make early learning and childcare more affordable for families. Maximum full-time childcare fees have been capped at €734 per month from September.

This will benefit families right across the country and as I have been clear about for some time we will begin to make progress on reducing fees to €200 a month as we promised. I am encouraged that preliminary estimates already indicate that around a quarter of parents are paying €200 or less per month. But we need to do more - and we will. Getting childcare right is a major priority for me. It’s essential for our economy and society.

Finally, I was delighted to announce on Thursday the new guidelines that will help protect access to cash services in local communities right across the country. These guidelines give members of the public and small business owners a direct route to raise concerns where access to cash in their area is no longer meeting local needs.

We all know the world is changing, people are tapping cards, using online banking, and paying digitally. But cash still matters. Older people in particular rely on being able to access cash from an ATM close to home, and so do many small businesses and families across the country.

All of this does, I think, shows that the Government is listening and responding with practical measures that meet people where they are at. Our agenda must be relentlessly rooted in people’s everyday lives.

I know there is much more to be done and we will stay busy and active in the months ahead in the lead up to the Budget where I have been clear about our priorities. Our focus will be on cutting taxes to ensure you keep more of your hard-earned money, addressing everyday costs through reducing childcare bills and education costs , driving reform and efficiencies in Government Departments and agencies to ensure your money is being well spent.

And we will look at addressing structural energy costs for families, businesses, and farmers, as well as helping those who need our help including people who have worked all their life and people with disabilities.

The by-elections also reminded me about how trust gets built. It is not built through vision statements or national campaigns alone. It is built when politicians turn up - not just at election time - and demonstrate, through their work every day, that they understand the place they represent, the people whom they wish to speak for in our national parliament - and that they are willing to fight for it.

That is a lesson that applies to every party, and it is one Fine Gael needs to never forget and the party I lead never will forget that. Turn up everyday, work hard and deliver for the people.

Have a good Friday,

Simon

Evidence suggests there could be as many as 19,000 derelict properties across Ireland.

For a number of years measures have been tried. Each have been brought about in good faith. None have had the full desired effect.

So, I’m taking action and stepping up our battle against dereliction. Yesterday, I updated Government colleagues on plans to introduce a new derelict properties tax to be administered by the Revenue Commissioners. I intend to pass this law this year.

The Department of Finance, the Department of Housing and Revenue are meeting at least weekly to design this new measure and prepare for its implementation.

This is a tax that is about bringing about behavioural change. We have many grants and schemes to help people bring properties back into use. It is inexcusable that any property would be allowed lie idle for years when people need homes. This must end.

We are making progress on housing supply but we have to be restless to do more every day and to use every lever at our disposal.

This new policy approach on dereliction needs to be seen in that context. A common sense, practical measure to get more homes back into use and to reduce dereliction in our country.

I will keep you updated,

Simon

I am very conscious of the fact that people are really feeling financial pressure, and indeed financial anxiety, as a result of the ongoing conflict in the Gulf and wider Middle East region.

The Government will take measures on Tuesday to reduce prices at the petrol pump, to support those most at risk of fuel poverty, and to help key sectors of the Irish economy that we depend on for our supply chains, including the haulage sector.

I do, however, want to make some broader points.

The hit to oil supplies is of the order 20 million barrels per day - making it the largest ever shock to the global oil market.

At this point, there is no clarity regarding the depth and duration of the conflict - this means there is considerable uncertainty regarding the economic fallout from the shock to oil supplies.

If the conflict continues for a prolonged period, the impact on the global economy will be real - Ireland could not be immune from such an outcome.

It is important to stress that we, in Ireland, are approaching this global economic challenge from a position of relative strength - we are running a significant budgetary surplus which gives us the fiscal capacity to respond.

In the past, we have often been criticised for running these budget surpluses and asked why we do not spend all available resources. The current situation highlights why it is so important to run budget surpluses in 'good times' - this common-sense approach to budgetary policy allows us to build up fiscal buffers and gives us the capacity to intervene when an economic shock arises.

One important side-effect from the energy price shock has been the increase in sovereign borrowing costs, with these reaching near two-decade highs in some countries; our favourable fiscal position thankfully means that we are not in this space.

The interventions we will announce on Tuesday strike an appropriate balance between providing help now and keeping some of our powder dry - nobody knows what the situation will be in a month from now; so we must remain nimble and flexible in our response.

For this reason, I believe that any measures introduced initially should be for a short, defined period, with the option to renew, revise or adjust them as circumstances evolve; this approach is in line with that which some other EU Member States are taking.

I have asked my officials to finalise a macroeconomic analysis covering a range of potential scenarios arising from this conflict. I expect to be in a position shortly to bring this analysis to Government, to the Oireachtas, and to the people of Ireland.

As of now, I expect the Irish economy to continue to grow this year, albeit at a slower pace than previously envisaged.

I will attend a meeting of the Eurogroup in the coming week, where we will have a further opportunity to assess the situation collectively; working with European counterparts is important at this time.

This current conflict is a sharp reminder to the world, including Ireland, that we must accelerate our transition towards energy independence, and I will be discussing this with government colleagues in the days ahead.

Finally, I want to stress that Ireland, and the Irish economy, will get through this - I have no doubt about that.

That said, the sooner we see a de-escalation of the conflict the better for both humanity and for the living standards of everyone.

Simon

I hope you’re having a good weekend and enjoying the nice spring sunshine.

I just wanted to have a quick word about a change we are introducing to help people who have had cancer get a fair deal when it comes to mortgage protection cover.

Thankfully in Ireland we are seeing more and more people surviving cancer. Unfortunately though, these people have not been getting a fair deal when it comes to accessing financial products, like a mortgage to own their own home.

This has to change!

This week I met the Irish Cancer Society and an incredible advocates called Lydia.

Lydia told me how she had gone sale agreed on her home shortly after she got the devastating news of a cancer diagnosis.

In her own words;

Everything came to a standstill for me once my diagnosis was confirmed. With the support of friends and family, we were able to complete the purchase but my name is not on the property.

We are now going to change the law after listening to Lydia and many cancer survivors and their families across Ireland.

Our new “Right to be Forgotten” law will ensure cancer survivors can access mortgage protection insurance on fair and equitable terms.

Two key details I intend to bring to Government on the week of the 20th April are:

1. The remission period for cancer survivors seeking mortgage protection will be reduced to five years

3. The threshold for mortgage protection insurance cover will be increased to €650,000

These common sense, practical measures will help people move forward with their life and their future.

We intend to pass this law before the summer recess.

For me, this is what politics is about; identifying issues and trying to bring forward common sense solutions to resolve them.

I want to really thank Minister Robert Troy for all his work on this in my Department and I want to also pay tribute to Catherine Ardagh TD and Minister Jerry Buttimer who brought forward a draft law on this. And of course, the amazing Irish Cancer Society for their advocacy and effectiveness.

Some days are better than others - this was a good day - a day we could all work together to make a real difference.

Simon

It is a really compelling examination of how the global order that shaped our world for decades is now under real strain. A world that felt integrated and somewhat predictable is now much more fragmented, more contested and more uncertain in lots of different ways, including economically and politically.

It’s a thought-provoking read. It doesn’t try to offer easy answers (they generally don’t exist) but instead it sharpens the questions we should consider.

Reading it, I found myself reflecting on Ireland’s place in this changing world.

For decades, our country’s story has been one of openness. Open trade, open markets, open society. It has transformed our country and must be nurtured into the future.

But the book points out that openness without resilience leaves countries exposed.

We must remain outward-looking while strengthening our own economic and social foundations in Ireland.

Another area that struck me is the link between economics and trust. When growth feels uneven, when communities feel left behind, political fragmentation follows.

It’s a reminder that economic policy isn’t abstract. Housing, childcare, delivery of key infrastructure projects needed throughout our country, education, care; these aren’t just line items in a budget. They shape whether people feel secure in their future. We have much work to do in these areas. Turning economic growth into economic security for people in their own lives.

The geopolitical dimension is also obviously unavoidable. Europe cannot simply react to policies taken elsewhere in the world. I have often said we cannot just be commentators on what happens in other parts of the world. We must act to strengthen Europe, the Single Market, deepen capital markets, become more competitive, invest in innovation and protecting democratic institutions and our values.

What I appreciated most about the book, though, is its underlying message about institutions.

Democracies endure when they adapt, when they reform and whe they respond to changes and needs of their time without losing their values.

For Ireland, that means thinking carefully about how we build resilience in a whole range of areas, including in our public finances, in energy, in infrastructure delviery and, in something we must always remain proud of, our communities.

We are living through a fractured age, of that there is no doubt but we can navigate our way through this time, we can approach it from a position of strength and we can act to build our own resilience and future.

The choices we make now, in Ireland and across Europe, will determine whether this period becomes one of decline or renewal.

The book doesn’t pretend the road ahead is simple. To do so would be wrong. But it does reinforce something I believe strongly; resilience, openness and social cohesion must go hand in hand.

That, to me, feels like the defining task of our time

Across Ireland, there is around €170 billion on deposit, much of it earning next to nothing and failing to keep pace with inflation. That’s money that people have set aside for a rainy day, for education, for a first home but right now it simply isn’t working for the people who set it aside.

I am determined to change this and I am working on a plan to implement this change.

The aims are simple:

🔘Make saving and investing more rewarding and accessible for ordinary families, not just the wealthy.

🔘Bring Ireland closer in line with European peers who have structures that help people make their money work harder and better for them.

🔘Reduce barriers like outdated rules that currently act as a drag on long-term personal investment.

There’s no single silver-bullet answer, but the opportunities here are real and impactful.

Irish people do save and they deserve the opportunity to grow their savings too.

The forthcoming strategy will look at practical, achievable ways to deliver and help unlock productive investment and empower people who want to save and invest.

This isn’t just about numbers. It’s about fairness, opportunity, and giving everyone the chance to see their money work.

Lots to do on this. Next step a retail investment roadmap for Ireland. Will keep you updated.

Simon

There are many areas of society where we have decided that below a certain age, certain activity is not permitted and is certainly not a societal norm.

Yet today, in plain sight, the next generation is not being adequately protected from the dangers and harms of social media.

We see still relatively new technologies and secret algorithms effectively experimenting with the brains, the well-being and the welfare of our children.

This must stop and the protection of our children cannot be outsourced to private companies. It requires us, as a people, as a government and hopefully as Europeans saying, together, we are acting and that below 16 you cannot be on social media.

There are encouraging signs. We have seen many European governments indicate they intend to act - Britain, France, Spain, Greece and Denmark all come to mind. In Australia they have already acted. It is also clear there is very significant public support in Ireland for this measure. Interestingly and encouragingly, the move is supported by all age groups, including young people, in the most recent Irish Times poll this week.

Technology can be and indeed is a source for good, in so many ways. But it does require structure as to how we chose to use it in our society. I am alarmed at the level of increase anxiety, the “doom scrolling”, the cyber bullying, the exposure to inappropriate content all now becoming a daily norm for young people. And on a very basic level, the amount of time lost to talking to people in real life, making eye contact rather than the head down staring at a screen. (Not of all this is confined to young people but that’s a broader discussion!)

I worry we will look back at this period of time and deeply regret not calling stop if we don’t act now.

The best way to move is to move together at an EU level and introduce an age restriction. That is what I would like to see happen and I think it is possible. But if not, and quickly, we must move forward at a national level.

My mind is clear on this and my view is set. Below 16 you should not be on social media.

I intend to work on this intensively.

It is clear we are living through turbulent geopolitical times. While this is true, phrases like this have become almost cliched. There are some days it seems in public discourse, there is simply endless discussion underway about US policies. Now I’m not being flippant about this and obviously US economic and political decisions have a global impact well beyond their shores. The economic relationship is deep and interdependent and jobs, investment and prosperity are anchored in this transatlantic relationship. But, even with that reality, there are still many, many actions we can take domestically and at a European level to increase our own economic wellbeing and resilience, to make our economy more competitive, to reduce red tape and bureaucracy in the delivering of infrastructure and public services and to basically make our own country and the European Union more self-reliant.

This was the issue I discussed when I met with European political leaders from across the European Union in Zagreb this week.

Here are just 5 actions we must and can take to deliver to our people and control what is within our control:

• Break down barriers within the European Union which have much bigger economic impact than any US tariffs. For example, delivering the Savings and Investment Union. This will be a key priority for Ireland’s EU presidency this year. It will provide countless opportunities for our citizens and for our economy.

• A much more focused and sharp approach to simplification of regulations in Ireland and in Europe. There is a plan to reduce regulation by 25% which will save €37 billion each and every year across Europe. Let’s get it done. But also let’s apply much greater scrutiny to new proposed regulations and whether they are needed. In Ireland, let’s ensure no gold plating of any regulation that originates from the EU. This work is underway.

• Accelerate the delivery of infrastructure. We have €275 billion to invest in infrastructure in Ireland. Funding is not the issue. Speedy delivery is. We have the plan now with great input from private sector expertise. This year we have to move the dial. A new law to allow critical infrastructure be delivered more quickly and reform of judicial reviews which I believe are being weaponised, or at the very least well overused, to delay vital projects will be crucial. Water, waste water, energy, transport, housing and clearly flood relief projects cannot wait.

• The new EU India trade agreement will be transformative and provide a market of 2 billion consumers. There are clear opportunities for Ireland from this well agreement.

• Investing in research and development, skills and education. We must continue to prioritise this. Our greatest asset is our people and with the world undergoing an effectively new Industrial Revolution there is no room for complacency. We will ramp up our investment in skills, education and research.

And there is so much more which I will discuss with you in future posts including public sector reform and building a new childcare system. But the point I just wanted to make today was this is a great country and a member of a great European Union. We are not powerless and we are not commentators.

An ambitious agenda of work at home and in Europe will move us to even higher ground.

Happy St Brigid’s Day. Lá Fhéile Bríde sona daoibh.

Simon

When you demonise and degrade any group of people, when you deny them human dignity and a shared humanity, you dehumanise yourself and make the worst crimes possible.

It is poison that infects a society and permits the worst of crimes.  It is hatred built on a lie.

It is an excuse for making evil a reality.

Rising antisemitism, in Ireland and around the world, is an attack on history.  It is an attack on truth.   It is an attack on democracy and our democratic values.  It is evil personified in the way it erodes basic values of decency and respect for other people.

Antisemitism has been called the oldest hatred.  But it is the oldest hatred that always seems to be able to find new ways of returning and reinventing itself.  Of finding new ways to justify and rationalise evil.

It finds excuses to dename and deny, so that it can defend the indefensible.

It is profoundly disturbing that there is growing evidence that increasing numbers of young people in Ireland and around the world have a basic lack of awareness and understanding of the Holocaust.  What starts by diminishing the full extent of the horror, in some cases warps into outright denial.

It reflects how powerful disinformation has become in battling historical education, and how exposure to lies on social media has such a hugely destructive and insidious effect.

As surveys conducted by the Claims Conference has shown, it begins with lies about the scale and size of the Holocaust, diminishing the full extent of the horror and the enormity of the atrocity.   It moves from there to outright denial.  Because once you open the door to a lie, it makes it easier for bigger ones to sneak in, and it creates a pathway for greater lies and distortions.  What begins by diminishing the extent of the Holocaust moves to an outright dismissal.

We are even seeing attempts to rehabilitate the Nazis and their collaborators, turning truth entirely on its head.

The Holocaust showed the world how low it can go.   Holocaust denial is an attempt to return us to those depths, creating a world where bigotry is tolerated, and hatred is justified.

It is an insult to the memory of all who lost their lives in the Holocaust, the millions of people who were persecuted and murdered because of prejudice and lies.

I am certain that we must combat this growing evil, and we must find new ways of doing so, and quick, because this is an assault on our values, on truth, on history, and our very democracy.

The great nineteenth-century nationalist leader, Michael Davitt, who fought so courageously for the basic rights and human dignity of Irish people, was also a champion for freedom and justice around the world.  In 1903 he visited Russia to investigate and report on the massacre of Jews in Kishinev.  What he discovered horrified him and he described it as ‘one of the most abominable tragedies in modern times’.

At the very same time, Jewish people in Limerick were being boycotted and abused, excluded and attacked.   Davitt also spoke out against this terrible example of antisemitism on Irish shores, exposing it for the evil it was.  He said, ‘I protest as an Irishman… against this spirit of barbarous malignity being introduced into Ireland’.  And he recognised that Jewish people around the world had ‘endured a persecution, the records of which will forever remain a reproach’.

We did not learn the lessons of history after Kishinev and Limerick, we did not learn them after the Holocaust, we did not learn them after Bondi Beach, and we do not seem to be learning them now.

After the Holocaust we promised the world ‘never again’, but time and time again that has been exposed as a hollow promise, and a falsely reassuring lie.  This darkest chapter of human history, the systematic extermination of six million Jewish men, women and children, is a lesson that we need to constantly remember and retell through our actions as well as our words.   It was an attempt to murder an entire people, and was accompanied by the attempted genocide of the Roma and Sinti, people with disabilities, and LGBTIQ+ people.

Antisemitism is now a global phenomenon, and technology has made it easier to spread falsehoods, and distort the truth.  It is a mechanism of hate, constructed to poison and corrupt those who believe in it.  And, so often, antisemitism is the gateway prejudice, that opens the doors to other forms of bigotry and hatred.

To our Jewish community in Ireland, I have a simple message.  We hear your fears, and we promise to stand with you.   Your safety, your dignity, your right to live without fear is fundamental and non-negotiable.  I will continue to meet with you, and I will continue to stand with you.

And my message to the wider world is that we must recognise that silence in the face of hatred is complicity.

We need to protest as Irish people, as good people of conscience, against antisemitism and hatred in all its forms, and stand against those who stoke fear, threaten violence, and seek to dehumanise.  And to stand with our Jewish community.

On National Holocaust Memorial Day we recommit ourselves to education and to solidarity.   It is a call to action.  ‘Never again’ needs to mean acting to prevent hatred in all its forms.

We need to learn the lesson from history that by standing up for Jewish people in Ireland and around the world we are defending the very foundations of a free and humane society.

In doing so, we are speaking out for a better future for all of us.

AI is woven into daily life.

It shapes how people work, how they travel, how they access healthcare and how businesses make decisions.

On the US West Coast, AI is not a future ambition — it is here, and here to stay.

That reality framed every conversation I had during my visit to California this week.

AI was front and centre in meetings with global employers such as Meta, Apple, Intel, Eli Lilly and OpenAI — companies that are deeply embedded in Irish life too.

These are firms where thousands of Irish people work, build careers, raise families and contribute to communities across the West Coast.

What was striking, during my visit, was not just the pace of technological change, but the fact that AI is now fundamental to economic competitiveness.

And so, after each meeting that I held during this visit – my first since my appointment as Minister for Finance – one thing was crystal clear.

Ireland has a real opportunity to lead in this next wave of innovation

Just as we have done before.

That is why I am determined that a focus on innovation, technology and preparing Ireland and Europe for the fast-paced changes and opportunities ahead must be a focus during Ireland’s EU Presidency, which begins this July.

We will host a dedicated AI summit focused on one core question: how do we ensure the opportunities AI presents benefit all our people? Innovation must be embraced, but it must also be guided by trust, responsibility and confidence. We see in recent weeks how when this doesn’t happen the harm and danger can be caused.

---

This week also coincided with JP Morgan Healthcare Week in San Francisco – a plethora of events that focus on innovation and healthcare technology.

On Wednesday evening, I addressed an Enterprise Ireland event in downtown San Francisco focused on healthcare and life sciences.

What I encountered there was ambition and real entrepreneurship in action.

Ireland’s life sciences and health tech sector is genuinely world class. It is diverse, highly collaborative and deeply integrated across research, manufacturing and commercialisation.

We are home to more than 700 life sciences and health tech companies, over 400 of them Irish-owned.

Alongside them operate the world’s top ten biopharma companies, nine of the top ten MedTech firms and many of the leading global technology companies.

The sector employs over 100,000 people in Ireland. MedTech alone supports around 50,000 jobs, making Ireland the largest MedTech employer in Europe on a per capita basis. These are high-quality, skilled jobs — and they are increasingly being shaped by AI-driven innovation.

The Irish entrepreneurs I met at the Enterprise Ireland event were impressive not just for their technical capability, but for their ambition. These are Irish women and men competing — and winning — on the world stage. They are proof that when we invest in talent, skills and openness, Ireland delivers.

---

My decision to visit and engage in the US was no accident.

The Ireland–US economic relationship is one of the strongest and most mutually beneficial in the world.

The United States is our largest trading and investment partner. Irish companies are now the fifth-largest source of foreign direct investment into the US, supporting more than 200,000 American jobs. California — with an economy that would rank fifth globally if it were a country — sits at the heart of that partnership.

But this visit was not about celebrating past success. It was about positioning Ireland for what comes next.

That is why I also prioritised political engagement, meeting Governor Gavin Newsom and San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie. These conversations were about deepening cooperation — not just on trade and investment, but on shared challenges such as innovation, housing, climate action and the responsible use of technology.

I was pleased to extend invitations to both leaders to visit Ireland.

---

The broader lesson from California is that competitiveness in the AI age is about far more than tax or incentives.

It is about talent, entrepreneurship, research and an innovation eco-system.

In a world where everyone feels uncertain, we must seize opportunities when they come our way – that’s what the Irish people do.

My visit to California made one thing clear to me: the future is already here. Ireland’s task is to ensure we are shaping it, and embracing it – while building on the foundations that we have with the West coast, foundations for which we should be very proud.

We can never be complacent about our economic well-being. There is no room to rest on our laurels. Politics cannot be reduced to just a conversation about spending. It needs to be bigger than that, bolder than that. We need to be ready for an innovation revolution.

Just a quick update on some recent developments and some issues I have been working on in the Department of Finance:

🔹 Insurance Compensation Fund Levy Reduced

The Insurance Compensation Fund (ICF) levy has been cut from 2% to 1% from the 1st January following a review by the Central Bank of Ireland. This marks the first reduction in the levy in 14 years and reflects a strong financial position of the Fund. The reduction is expected to benefit approximately 2.3 million private motor insurance policies and 1.3 million home insurance policies on renewal this year, lowering contributions by around €57 million. Read more here

🔹 Tax Credit for Unscripted Production

Working alongside the Minister for Culture, Patrick O'Donovan, I have now commenced a dedicated tax credit for unscripted programming. This is part of a major drive to attract investment and boost employment in the creative sector. We must never be complacent about jobs or our economic growth. I will continue to work every day to support the creation of jobs right across Ireland.

You can read more about this development here

🔹 Exchequer Returns

This week, alongside Minister Jack Chambers, we published the Exchequer returns which have recorded an underlying surplus of €3.8 billion for 2025. These returns show continued resilience in the public finances, with receipts tracking close to profile. As we look to 2026, I am committed to using the resources of the State to improve people’s lives in a sustainable manner. Last month, we published Ireland’s Medium-Term Fiscal and Structural Plan, which represents a fundamental shift in the way we do budgetary policy in Ireland. The focus must be on increased levels of public spending bringing about real benefits in term of public services for our citizens, investing heavily in infrastructure and ensuring we advance taxation policies in the next Budget to reward work, ensure work always pays and reward innovation. Read more on the latest Exchequer returns here

🔹 Publication of the 2025 Review of the R&D tax credit regime

The R&D tax credit is an important feature of the corporation tax system and plays a key role in our competitiveness and in the development of our knowledge economy. Companies engaged in R&D are at the forefront of developments critical to addressing the challenges of digitalisation and climate change. They also deliver valuable spillover benefits to our education sector and local economies, in addition to supporting high-quality employment in Ireland. The work undertaken as part of this review informed the Government’s Budget 2026 decisions to enhance the R&D tax credit, to support continuing investment in cutting-edge R&D activities. You can access the full review here

Have a good week,

Simon

We see the damage done to families and communities when that happens. Where a vacuum exists, it gets filled with misinformation or populism.

Politicians of the centre cannot shirk the migration debate. Group-think cannot reign supreme and ahead of policy debate, discussion and decision

Dismissing questions, or demonising any comment which considers an interplay between migration policy and broader national policy making, limits debate and it doesn’t help devise solutions.

It should not be inflammatory to say the following. We have a housing crisis which has persisted over many years and which pre-dates more recent increases in inward migration. Attempting to create enough housing supply to meet demand is further challenged by a growing population. Migration is contributing to that population growth.

Migrants are now also making up a significant proportion of the number of people in emergency accommodation, as we see when the homelessness figures are published at the end of each month,

These are just facts. But they are not standalone statements. There is an interlinkage which it should be possible to express and discuss, as a means to finding policy solutions.

The Fine Gael Party that I lead will promote a migration policy that is fair and firm and grounded in common sense and one that recognises our responsibility to social cohesion, to managing the public finances wisely and equitably, and to delivering better public services.

Immigration benefits our country, our public services and our economy greatly. The benefits are real, clear and important.

For me there is no question about whether inward migration is good or bad, but how best to manage it. Migration like any other area requires considered policy development and a national strategy. That’s what the Government is setting out to do.

The reasons people come to Ireland are varied and complex. At issue is whether services can expand fast enough to match our recent rapid population growth.

The data show the Irish people reject the polarising narratives of right and left. Research also found while differences in attitudes to migration exist, in general communities were welcoming. The ESRI found negative sentiment towards migrants was associated with community context, with more negative attitudes in disadvantaged communities.

This research tells me public capacity, not public sentiment, is the constraint.

School places, GP access, housing and so on are binding constraints.

It is our job as Government to alleviate those constraints by providing more and better public services of all kinds.

That is what we were elected to do. That is what we will do.

It is also our job to tell the truth. There is a limit to how fast our population can grow without damaging social cohesion.

As I have said, more and more people who are not Irish citizens are finding themselves in emergency homeless accommodation. This number is increasing all the time. We do not have a legal obligation to provide many such people with housing, though of course we act with compassion towards anyone without a home.

Leadership is recognising when something needs to change and putting in place the mechanisms to facilitate that change. This government is making those changes, from infrastructure to housing to a new migration strategy.

As we develop Ireland’s Migration and Integration Strategy this year, we must honestly answer the questions around the rate of population growth.

What does sustainable look like?

What skills are needed for our country and how does this relate to work permits?

How many student visas are sustainable?

And how do we make sure the international protection system is working for those in genuine need while also performing in a way that is orderly, credible and enforced?

The international protection system can never be an alternative route for economic migration.

At all times, we must and will call out racism, promote integration and value and appreciate the contribution that so many immigrants make to our country.

Migration policy cannot exist in isolation. It must sit alongside housing delivery, public service capacity and community engagement.

That is why Fine Gael’s approach links migration with practical delivery, not rhetoric, and we look forward to contributing to the new national migration strategy to deliver on that.

My priority is to use my role as Minister for Finance and as a Government leader to tackle the housing emergency from every angle.

Access to equity for home builders, particularly SMEs is one of the constraints in the system we have to address.

Housing is the single biggest worry for families and young people across this country. It dominates conversations around the dinner table.

Our approach has to be radical and relentless. I have said many times that we need to pull every lever the State has.

So in recent days, I brought a proposal to Cabinet that does exactly that.

Along with Minister for Housing James Browne, I launched a new €600 million equity injection into the housing market.

Why we are doing this and what does it actually mean for you?

Filling the viability gap

Many developers across the country, particularly SMEs, do not yet have the balance sheet capacity to provide the upfront equity a project requires.

This is the "risk capital" you need at the very start, before a bank will lend you the rest. If that equity piece is missing? The The home builder is unable to plan ahead, build a pipeline and scale up delivery.

The State is stepping in to fix that.

The State (through ISIF) is putting up €400 million in new equity. 

The Banks (AIB and Bank of Ireland) are matching our ambition with another €200 million. 

That gives us a €600 million fund to get projects moving. 

How many homes will the new ISIF and National Banks Equity Programme build?

Access to equity at scale can help unlock housing output.

By putting additional equity on the table, we allow developers to go out there and secure access to senior debt.

This means the provision of €600 million of equity capital will unlock up to €2 billion of total funding for housing delivery, with the potential to deliver up to 5,000 homes of all tenure types across the country.

Backing small and medium sized builders

We are fortunate to have some highly successful and productive construction and development firms in our country, but we can't just rely on a handful of developers to build Ireland's future. We also need a functioning ecosystem of SME builders who have the potential to become bigger players.

This fund is targeted at them. 

On top of this, we are launching a mentorship programme with Enterprise Ireland and the banks. We want to help smaller firms scale up and build a pipeline of work that lasts for years.

Giving the market confidence

The new programme which sees ISIF working in partnership with the national banks creates a system that can stand on its own two feet long-term. 

We know this model works. In July 2023, ISIF launched a €400 million Equity for Home Building Programme whiich is now almost complete. This new programme will build upon its success and momentum, doubling its commitment.

The Impact

Solving the housing crisis isn’t about finding the silver bullet.

It is about a multifaceted approach and today is one more piece of the jigsaw.

We have a target: 25,000 homes supported by ISIF by 2030 and we are currently on track to go beyond that figure.

I am determined to keep using every ounce of energy and pull every lever I have to meet our housing challenges.

It is our defining mission.

I am not long back from today’s meeting of European Finance Ministers in Brussels. We’ve had a busy two days - Eurogroup yesterday, Ecofin today plus many bilateral meetings, including one with the President of the European Investment Bank, but that’s from another article perhaps.

What I wanted to update you on and share some thoughts with you on was the discussion we had today in Brussels on Savings and Investment Union.

Where are we at?

For years there have been discussions and false dawns about creating a savings and investment union or a capital markets union in the EU.

The conversation at today's ECOFIN meeting and the work to date of the European Commission now moves things to a new phase. The Savings and Investment Union (SIU) is no longer an abstract policy concept and is now developing at pace as the EU's flagship response to the urgent need for competitive financing and a deep pool of capital across Europe. 

So what next for the EU and for Ireland with this key initiative?

The Current State of play

The SIU is fundamentally about creating an efficient financing ecosystem to channel Europe citizens savings into more productive, long-term investments. This is critical if we are to ensure the economic resilience and competitiveness of Europe into the future and if we want to be able to advance key objectives like the Green Transition, the digitalisation agenda, the delivery of infrastructure and enhanced defence capabilities. 

At the heart of today’s discussion were two critical workstreams:

1. Market Infrastructure and Supervision:

We discussed the Commission’s recent package aimed at reducing the fragmentation and underperformance of EU capital markets. The goal is to streamline rules, reduce costs, and simplify cross-border activities for financial institutions. 

2. Boosting Investment and Pensions:

We also addressed the Commission’s recommendation to Member States on improving pension participation. The SIU strategy heavily focuses on empowering EU citizens to become active investors through accessible products.

The Commission is pushing forward with a clear timeline, and the proposals discussed today signal a serious and much needed acceleration.

Ireland's Perspective

For Ireland as a global centre for asset management and financial services, the SIU a major economic opportunity and one we must get right. 

I described our position today as one of strong and constructive support.

Ahead of the meeting, in my statement I highlighted the fact that the SIU is a major file for Ireland's upcoming EU Presidency next year. We are committed to driving forward both "top-down" legislative measures (like those on market infrastructure) and "bottom-up" initiatives that empower individual savers. 

The Domestic Imperative

A recent Central Bank report indicated, Irish households have among the lowest levels of direct retail participation in capital markets across the EU.

The SIU offers a roadmap to tackle this:

• Retail Investment: Measures to simplify products and enhance financial literacy would make investing more accessible and profitable for the average Irish citizen. 

• Benefit for Irish businesses: A deeper EU capital market widens the sources of available funding for Irish businesses.

We can comment on other parts of the world or get our own European house in order

The SIU is at its core a competitiveness file that will help determine Europe’s standing in the 21st-century global economy.

The difference between EU and US capital markets is stark. We have a chance to fix that. The SIU's success will determine if the next European tech giant is funded in Dublin, Paris, or Frankfurt, rather than Silicon Valley. 

Without a robust, integrated capital market, the hundreds of billions needed for the Green Deal, Digital Transition, and defence spending will be impossible to mobilise without unsustainable public debt.

The SIU can also offer so many new opportunities for citizens right across the EU by making investment opportunities more cost-effective, transparent, and profitable, including for those in Ireland who currently benefit least from financial market returns. 

The consensus in the ECOFIN room today was clear: the time for incremental change is over.

The SIU is a matter of strategic economic necessity. For Ireland, we have the expertise and the commitment to be a key driver in this vital project, ensuring it is built on openness, competition, and efficiency to deliver tangible benefits for all EU citizens. 

We have much work to do on this. We must move with speed. Inaction is not an option.

Today I launched the first ESRI annual economic survey that looks at both jurisdictions on the island of Ireland. Sincere congratulations and thanks to co-authors Alan Barrett and Adele Bergin.

We talk a lot about the potential for a "Shared Island” and the all-island economy.

We need more than just good intentions. We need data so we can make informed decisions and pursue policies grounded in evidence and fact.

This report really helps with this and is hugely valuable and specifically designed to track economic trends across Ireland and Northern Ireland side-by-side. 

Why does this matter? Because we are living through a time of massive global shifts.

In my Department’s recent Future Forty report, we looked at the important trends coming down the tracks like aging populations, climate change and the digital revolution. These challenges don’t stop at the border. 

If we want to build a prosperous future for everyone on this island, we need to know exactly where we stand, where the economy is thriving, where it lags, where we see alignment and where we see divergence north and south.

There is a huge amount of information in this report from income levels to life expectancy and much more but here are some of the key takeaways from today's report:

The Good News

First, the good news. In the first half of this year, both economies grew. Our Modified Domestic Demand (the real measure of the Irish domestic economy) was up 3.2%, while Northern Ireland’s economy grew by 2.8%. 

On a very positive note Northern Ireland’s economic growth is currently outperforming the UK.

Jobs are being created too. We’ve created nearly 64,000 jobs here in the South over the last year and Northern Ireland has added over 20,000.

We Are Trading More Than Ever

The "all-island economy" is not a political abstract concept, it is a practical reality and growing in strength. The numbers back this up.

North-South trade has hit an all-time high of over €14 billion per year.

Look at the shift in exports: back in 2015, only about 14% of Northern Ireland's exports came from Ireland. Today? That figure has jumped to 26%. 

This level of trade is creating economic benefit in communities on both sides of the border.

The Education Gap We Must Fix

This is where the report gets really insightful and where we need to be honest about the challenges.

While our employment rates are high, there is a stark difference in educational attainment rates. The data shows that 93.9% of 15-19 year olds in the Ireland are in education. In the North, that figure stands at just 69.2%. 

In a world driven by skills, technology and innovation we have to see more educational opportunities for all on this island.

Closing that gap is about ensuring that every young person on this island, regardless of where they are born, has the same chance to reach their potential. 

What We Are Doing About It

Today’s report provides a treasure trove of data which can help inform policy and also provide important reference points.

Through the Shared Island Fund, we have already allocated over €600 million to projects that benefit everyone. And we have a plan to deploy €2 billion in total. 

We are focusing on the exact issues raised in this report:

• Education: We are investing in student mobility and research to bridge that skills gap.

• Infrastructure: We are funding transport connectivity to make moving people and goods easier. 

• Enterprise: We are working with InterTradeIreland to help SMEs scale up and decarbonise. 

By working together sharing data, sharing resources and sharing ambition we can build an island that works for everyone.

For more information and to read the full report go to: https://www.esri.ie/news/tanaiste-and-minister-for-finance-launches-the-first-esri-annual-economic-survey-of-ireland

Firstly, thank you for subscribing to my posts on Substack. I have always believed politics is about big ideas and about debating and considering what are the best policy choices to advance our country. I have found it is often hard to find the online space to dive into issues in a bit more detail and to set out views. Politics and media now operates in a 24/7 environment and instant response seems to dominate most discussions and I get the need for that, sometimes and to a degree. But it’s great to also have somewhere to reflect a little bit more on a policy idea or any issue and to share with you my thoughts and rationale behind decision-making.

I wanted my first post on Substack to discuss infrastructure delivery and the need to speed this up. I know this is not an Irish-specific challenge. In conversations with counterparts, this issues regularly comes up in many, many countries. But I am clear that it simply takes too long to deliver too many crucial projects in Ireland. Yes, we do lots well and I can list many examples of good practice, including the roll-out of the National Broadband Plan but that’s not the purpose of this post or the point I am trying to make!

Last year, as Taoiseach, I gave a speech to the Magill Summer School and I outlined that changes were needed in the way the State delivered infrastructure projects. I said;

You name the area, we probably need to build something to help fix it. Right now, the work of planning, preparing, procuring, producing and promoting capital spending happens all over government. Roads are done by the Department of Transport, houses by the Department of Housing, hospitals by the Department of Health and the HSE, schools by the Department of Education.  

You get the idea. 

 

I believe we need to consider all of this capital spending being done in one, new Department of Infrastructure.  

You can read the full speech here: https://www.finegael.ie/speech-of-an-taoiseach-simon-harris-t-d-macgill-summer-school-glenties-friday-19-july-2024/

On countless occasions last year and throughout the General Electiom campaign and in our manifesto, we highlighted infrastructure delivery reform as absolutely vital for Ireland.

Well, after the election, as we formed a coalition government, I didn’t get my wish for a full Department of Infrastructure but we did agree in our Programme for Government to change and expand the remit of the Department of Public Expenditure and set up an infrastructure division within it.

This week we saw the benefit of that decision with a 30 point action plan to accelerate delivery of infrastructure.

This plan is about reforming and rationalising the laws of our land and simplifying burdensome regulations so that we can enable and accelerate the delivery of key projects up and down the country.

We will move quickly on legal and planning reforms. We will streamline decision-making. We will ensure accountability for delivery. We will end the situation where vital national projects are endlessly delayed or obstructed.

We will do this not out of impatience, but out of responsibility — because the cost of inaction is too high for families waiting for homes, for communities waiting for transport, for businesses that rely on modern infrastructure to create jobs.

You can read the full plan here: https://www.gov.ie/en/department-of-public-expenditure-infrastructure-public-service-reform-and-digitalisation/publications/accelerating-infrastructure-report-and-action-plan/

Credit to Minister Jack Chambers for his diligent work on this and also to all the extenral experts with private sector experience and the dedicated public servants who worked together to get these actions agreed. We need much more of this collaboration between the public and private sectors!

If the centre is to hold in Irish politics we must ensure that the legitimate expectations people have in this country can be met, principally the ability to own your own home. This is key to social cohesion. If economic growth is to be nurtured into the future, it’s key that we have the infrastructure we need to drive investment. We must control what is within our control. Politics in Ireland shouldn’t be reduced to just commenting on what happens in other countries. Speeding up the delivery of economic and social infrastructure is one such controllable. This week was a good step forward.

Simon